Child Benefit Scheme From A Historical And Political Perspective Social Work Essay

Child Benefit Scheme From A Historical And Political Perspective Social Work Essay This essay will analyse the child benefit scheme from both a historical and political perspective in which it will examine the debates on child benefit in the 1970s when the scheme was first introduced and compare them to the current debates and reforms the coalition government have proposed to introduce. The child benefit scheme was fully introduced in 1977 through the Child Benefit Act 1975 proposed by the Labour government coming from a socialist perspective. Child benefit merged Family Allowances, which were paid to those with more than one child, and Child Tax Allowances into one single payment. These were both previous welfare benefits specifically for children. Child benefit is a universal, tax free benefit paid to all children in the household. It did not exclude those on higher incomes or was any different for single parent families as it was paid to every child (Greener Cracknell, 1998). Child benefit was a recognition by government that there are extra costs when parents have children. Child benefits have been increased by the successive governments over the years in relation to inflation and the needs of children and families. It is regarded as a positive benefit, helping relieve child poverty and social exclusion. It is recognised as a fair and worthy way of spending pub lic money and an investment for the future (Greener Cracknell, 1998). There were a number of positive and negative arguments for and against the introduction of child benefit. One of the main causes for an improved system of child support was the rising levels of child poverty in Britain in the 1960s and 1970s (Hendrick, 2008). Child Benefit was seen as a way of protecting and preventing a child against poverty (Bennett Dornan, 2006). Poverty had increased as of the deprivation caused by the likes of inflation and the rise in food prices (McCarthy, 1983). There were a number of reports highlighting the decline in living standards of children such as those by 1960s scholars Margaret Wynn and Della Nevitt questioning whether support for children in the 1960s matched the needs of children (Field, 1982). Further, the social researcher Richard Titmuss expressed that child support in Britain was badly designed and had to be improved as only those with more than one child received Family allowances (Field, 1982). Additionally a report on Circumstances of Fam ilies (1966) presented to us that half a million families who have one and a quarter children live on or below the official poverty line (Field, 1982). Therefore these reports show that child poverty was an ongoing issue at the time and a valid reason as to why a new child policy such as child benefit would be a beneficial action for childrens future. It provides a form of stability as it does not depend on income (Bennett Dornan, 2006). The Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) were highly influential in the introduction of Child Benefit. They campaigned for the protection of children since their establishment in 1965. The CPAGs main aim was to persuade Harold Wilsons Labour government to increase Family Allowances and therefore brought child benefit into the public eye (Field, 1982). When it came to the child benefit campaign The CPAG had been claimed as the main stimulus for its introduction (Field, 1982). They even used threats to the government to demand better welfare for children. They were a Group who represented the poor, acting as an agent of those in poverty. Their purpose was to help poor families and not only focus on changing the structures in society (Field, 1982). CPAG campaigners tried to convince poor people that it was not their fault they were in poverty but was structures within society that did not fairly redistribute resources (Field, 1982). According to Field (1982) the Group had strong support fo r an appropriate form of child support to be put in place as they believe it was needed to eradicate child poverty. The Group recognised raising a child costs more money and sharing the cost through the redistribution of income was thought to be the best way of improving childrens welfare (McCarthy, 1983). Therefore looking at the political issues in the history of child benefits are important to examine the evolution of child benefit. The CPAGs influence in child benefit shows the large impact pressure groups can have on political issues and how they raise public awareness. McCarthy (1983) also claims if the CPAG had not became involved in the cause the issue may not have been discussed at all. It also shows that government are not the only protagonists in the policy process as the Group had such a peripheral role on child benefit. Trade Unions also had a large contribution to the introduction of child benefit and supported the change from wallet to purse. The TUC/Labour party committee in the early 1970s stated the benefit scheme must tackle the problem of poverty and provide enough to do this (McCarthy, 1983). According to the CPAG policy briefing (Bennett Dornan. 2006) the scheme was going to cost too much money and the Labour government claimed the benefits introduction would be postponed as of administrative and legislative problems. In May 1976 suspicions grew that the Labour government was abandoning the scheme as they introduced the Child Interim Benefit to single parents which was thought to be a temporary provision until the government had enough funds to fully introduce child benefit (McCarthy, 1983). It has been claimed the shelving of child benefit could have been due to James Callaghan succeeding as Prime Minister from Harold Wilson. According to Field (1982) Callaghan did not support an increase in family allowances in the 1960s. Callaghan believed the public were against the benefit scheme as it meant a decrease in take home pay for men (Field, 1982). The Cabinet leaks by the CPAG however seemed to have one of the largest impacts on the child benefit scheme as it revived the political debates on child benefits. It revealed that the TUC had reacted badly to the fact that child benefit implementation would reduce take home pay for men and they therefore became completely against its introduction despite the fact child benefit would bring income back up again (Field, 1982). The Labour government decided to abolish the scheme and were reluctant to go against the TUC. Therefore the lead up to the implementation of child benefit has shown the way government ministers make decisions on social policies. We can see from the literature that the government did not necessarily make a decision on the needs of the public but was the opinions of the TUC dominated their decision. The lea ks led to government embarrassment and a swift change of mind to implement child benefit. This shows Labour may have introduced child benefit to keep the public happy and to avoid being voted out. It appeared in the 1970s that there was a wide support for reforms of the Family allowance as the Labour and Conservative governments supported change as well as the trade union movement. The proposal for the introduction of child benefit raised the subject of whether the monthly payment should be paid into the purse (mother) or wallet (father). With the previous system men received all welfare benefits for the family. The argument that the benefit should go to the purse was so that the person who primarily cared for the children could organise the family budget for the likes of food and clothes (McCarthy, 1983). This can also make sure that the money is spent on the child and on items the child needs (Bennett Dornan, 2006). Recent evidence from CPAG (Bennett Dornan, 2006) claimed that child benefit is regarded as highly valuable to mothers. The benefit may also be the only formal income the mother receives and is regarded as an independent income for some mothers. It appears the s hift from wallet to purse was significant argument in the introduction of child benefits and was one of the main reasons for change. The transfer was also an issue for the trade unions where the majority of members were male at this time. There were sexist attitudes towards this move as men would lose out on their tax allowances and therefore became against child benefits. However the change from wallet to purse did make sense and became implemented. Therefore this was an argument that welfare for children had to be improved and changed. Since the introduction of child benefit in 1977 there have been a number of increases and changes depending on the government in power. The largest change however since its introduction will be the Conservative Liberal Democrat coalition reforms pledged in October 2010 and is an issue both parties seem to agree on. According to Roberts (2010) {online}, the Liberals Democrats believe this move has been long overdue. The policy proposes that if at least one person in the household is paying the higher tax rate earning more than  £43,875 per year then that household will no longer be eligible to receive the benefit. These cuts have caused public uproar. The coalitions aims are to cut public spending by an average of 25% across all departments excluding health and overseas developmental (AVECO, 2010) {online}. An ongoing argument against the withdrawal of child benefits from higher rate taxpayers is that it is unfair, and the design of the policy is unclear. The media highlight this showing how unjust the policy proposal is and will hit the middle classes most. Ed Miliband in Labour opposition states how it is unreasonable that a person earning two salaries just under  £43,875 can keep their monthly payment but those earning over this threshold when the other parent is not working will not receive their benefit (Prince, 2010) {online}. According to the Comprehensive Spending Review by 2014-15 the cut in child benefit will be saving  £2.5 billion a year preventing those on a lower income from subsidising higher earners (Spending Review, 2010). It has been argued Child benefit is in some cases wasted as of its universalism and payment for every child. For instance even those who do not need the extra income still receive it. Further, it is argued it is ill-targeted across the board and w asted on those at the top end of the income scale rather than targeting those who are really in dire need of that extra piece of income which the Conservative government believe are good enough reasons to remove Child benefit from higher earners. Therefore the policy reform comes from a right wing background which believes that the state should not be relied on by its citizens such as those who are better off and are able to provide for themselves. Whereas in 1977 child benefit was seen as a collective investment. The Labour party challenge the coalition cuts by informing that stay at home mothers will be the worst affected under this move. It is viewed as unfair as for example if a family has the main breadwinner on a  £45,00 wage and a female carer staying at home to look after their children, they will lose out on thousands of pounds a year for their family. Single earner families lose out the most (Prince, 2010) {online}. The media claim 15% of tax payers will be affected by this change (Prince, 2010) {online}. A further argument agreeing that women will be the most affected by this is the fact that for some females child benefit is the only form of income the mother receives. Katherine Rake of the Family and Parenting Institute states that for some handling the family budget is the only form of independence some mothers have (Collins, 2010) {online}. With these reforms it seems the Coalition government are reverting back to old ways, favouring male income which the old style family allo wances did. Undoubtedly the policy is designed to save on public expenditure and target those who need it most. The policy however could create problems within the family. It could cost families thousands as it could prevent those on a wage below the cut off from taking employment promotions which take them above the line (Prince, 2010) {online}. When single mothers enter a new relationship with a person who is on the higher tax rate wage which would remove the eligibility for child benefit. Additionally the Labour MP Parmjit Dhanda commented on the reform saying couples may claim they are separated to avoid losing the payment as they feel they should be entitled to it. Checks on this neo-liberalist reform would be difficult and expensive and therefore implementation could become difficult as of the removal of its universalism (Chapman, 2010) {online}. It is valuable to look at the policy from a historical and political perspective as it has shown how the policy has evolved and why the policy was implemented with the rise of child poverty and a need for a satisfactory form of child support. Cost is obviously a key factor in the cuts however whether this cut is affordable for the future of children remains to be seen. The reforms have brought about controversy politically and publicly as it has raised the subject of who is deserving of child benefit as it has now decided who receives it. In conclusion child benefit has therefore become a success in Britain and has become relied on by many. The fact that child benefit has lasted over 40 years shows this significance as well as the fact that it has angered many who will be losing out after the proposed coalition reforms.

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III. Long-term Prospects The boundaries that limit the world from becoming unified are cultural more than physical .With the growth of the economies in many emerging markets. Firms are heading to other countries to expand and exploit other markets and opportunities and that cannot be achieved without cross-cultural training and proper linguistic translation. IV. How the Industry Analysis Affects and Is Affected by Other Sections of the Plan The industry analysis is the base and first step we take into making the business plan. It is used as a reference to see where the industry stands, trends, and possible gaps where we can enter. It also gives a realistic view on the possibility of achievement in the industry chosen. Marketing plan: Market segmentation: Our Company is targeting the small to medium sizes businesses of 500000 Turkish Liras to 4million Turkish Liras, that are trying to move abroad and go global, or are dealing with businesses overseas and need translation services, interpreters, intercultural training, and localization services. We want to start by targeting Istanbul, before expending to other states or countries, where a lot of businesses are dealing with foreign markets in South America, Caribbean Islands, Asia (China) and sometimes Canada. It is the perfect state to start for us because of its geostrategic location. The firm should be located in Miami or Orlando first where many South American firms decide to start; both these cities will give us many businesses to start with. The population of Florida consists of a great amount of people that are Hispanic and speak other languages. As stated by â€Å"the United States Census Bureau†, Florida’s population as of 2011consisted of 22.9% of people of Hispa... ...of us using this method is reaching the customer and informing them about their need of our services we push them to think that our services will increase the quality of their business and interaction with foreign businesses therefore increasing their revenues. For example, I was informed by a Saudi Aramco engineer that their branch in Texas was obviously having to constantly contact the main Aramco branch in Saudi, but were always lacking the understanding of how Arabs business etiquette, language and culture work. He suggested contacting them to stress their need for our services, by calling them or emailing them we anticipate convincing them to look into the stated aspects of their business and seek our services. By researching and contacting similar businesses we look forward to raise the awareness of our services importance and expend our brand image awareness.

Early Christian Writings Essay

In the beginning of IV century Arius announced that the Father is the only one veritable God, and the Son is His creation. Son was created from nothing, but He has an advantage over the other people, because He was created before time and centuries. Arius teaching is one of the forms of subordination, – a teaching about subordination of the Son to the Father, and the Saint Spirit to the Son. Arius has the following positions: 1. Logos had the beginning of his being ( , erat, quando non erat), because in other case there wouldn’t be any monarchy. In such case could be possible a diarchy (two principles), because He wouldn’t be the Son, – the Son is not the Father. 2. Logos started his existence not from the essence of Father – this could lead to division or partition of Divine Creature, or to sensual concepts, which could bring down the God to human world, – but He was created from nothing by his Father’s will ; 3. He has existence before-time and before-world, but it is not eternal existence; so He is not the veritable God, but he is different from God-Father by his essence, he is a creature ( , ) and Testament uses such expressions about Him; 4. Although the Son is a creature by essence, he has advantage over other people, because he have supreme qualities after the God. The God created everything through Him. First of all God created Him, as the beginning of all paths; 5. In case they call the Son equal to the God you should understand that He is equal by His Father’s will. 6. His will, as it was created, primarily was changeable – equally inclined both for good and to evil. Alexander tried to convince Arius that he was wrong by admonitions, although without success. After fruitless attempts Alexander invited bishops from Egypt and Lebanon and by will of Council expels Arius from Alexandria as well as his followers. There was found ‘The Synodal Letter of the Council of Antioch’, which condemns principles of Arius, but not strictly. Almost all bishops signed this letter (except of three bishops). Alexander tries also to warn other bishops about danger of heresy and, finally, writes a letter to Emperor Constantine the Great. The emperor regrets about quarrels in the Church and asks to make peace. It was impossible, and a little bit later the Church calls Nicaea Council, where after long debates the Church wrote ‘Symbol of belief’ and adopted it. Arius didn’t agree (his followers also protested to symbol of belief and pretending that they agree, changed a letter in word ‘omousius’ (‘similar’, ‘like’ instead of mono-, uni-) and signed the document. The Church discovered falsification, condemned teaching of Arius and expelled him. .

Anti-Markovnikov Addition Defintiion

Markovnikovs Rule describes the nature of alkene addition reactions in organic chemistry. Russian chemist Vladimir Markovnikov formulated the rule in 1865 after noting the halogen atom preferred the more substituted carbon in a hydrohalogenation reaction with an asymmetric alkene. If a reaction follows the Markovnikov Rule: The nucleophile adds to the more substituted pi-bound carbon.Hydrogen adds to the less substituted carbon. Another way to think of it is that the hydrogen rich get richer, meaning that out of two pi-bound carbon atoms, the one that has the most hydrogen atoms will get another hydrogen in the reaction. But, some reactions dont follow this rule... Anti-Markovnikov Addition Definition Anti-Markovnikov addition is an addition reaction between an electrophile compound HX and either an alkene or alkyne where the hydrogen atom of HX bonds to the carbon atom with the least number of hydrogen atoms in the initial alkene double bond  or alkyne triple bond  and the X bonds to the other carbon atom. The anti part of Anti-Markovnikov addition is that the reaction fails to follow Markovnikovs Rule. It does not refer to anti in terms of stereochemistry! The image shows the Anti-Markovnikov addition of HX to a propene alkene. The H bonds to the CH1 end and the X bonds to the CH2 end of the former double bond. References Hughes, Peter (2006). Was Markovnikovs Rule an Inspired Guess?.  Journal of Chemical Education.  83  (8): 1152.McMurry, John. Section 7.8: Orientation of Electrophilic Ractions: Markovnikovs Rule.  Organic Chemistry  (8th ed.).W. Markownikoff (1870). Ueber die Abhà ¤ngigkeit der verschiedenen Vertretbarkeit des Radicalwasserstoffs in den isomeren Buttersà ¤uren.  Annalen der Pharmacie.  153  (1): 228–59.